J.D. Vance, the senator from Ohio chosen by Donald Trump to be his vice president if they win the elections, celebrated his big night on Wednesday, early morning in Spain, at the closing of the third day of the Republican National Convention in Milwaukee (Wisconsin). He appeared on the main stage corridors on Monday, shortly after the designation was announced. And hours later, alongside Trump himself, in his first public appearance since the attack. But not a word. Everything was saved for the traditional speech, and he did not disappoint, except for those who were expecting a wild and overwhelming speech like that of their leader.
The audience had arrived heated, spurred on by Don Jr., Donald Trump's most outspoken and aggressive son. The audience was captive, devoted. They probably wanted a fight, controversy, but they received a calm speech. Vance, who spoke for about 40 minutes, opted for a very flat speech, without any epic moments. An intervention that perhaps did not excite, neither in tone nor in content, but loaded with political content. Much more moderate than usual, at times resembling an antiglobalization unionist rather than one of the leaders of Make America Great Again. And it was not by chance or mistake.
The key is his role in the candidacy. The first rule when one is close to Trump is that he cannot overshadow him, and Vance adhered to that, leaving the important aspects, the style, and the content, in the hands of the boss because there can only be one Donald. He has been assigned the task of appealing to the workers, and that's what he did time and time again, criticizing Biden and his economic policies, but also Wall Street and millionaires, renouncing the liberalism and neoliberalism of the Bush years. With direct mentions to blue-collar workers and employees from Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin, not coincidentally where the Republican event is being held. These are three states that Biden won in 2020 and if they change color, they will decide the presidency.
Vance, introduced by his wife, spoke about his origins, poverty, and pride, but his main theme was his story of overcoming adversity, from misery to success. Also, a nationalist speech that blames Democrats for decisions made by Republican presidents and congresses. But if the goal was to tone down and not scare off undecided voters, the strategy worked. Among the audience, there was surprise, discomfort at times when he talked about his Indian in-laws or the vegetarian menus he prepares for his wife. But for the party strategists and political analysts, it was undoubtedly a success.
The Democrats have painted him as a radical, an extremist, a "clone of Trump." But the audience that tuned in saw a relaxed and smiling man, not tense, joking and friendly. In love with his wife, respectful of family and traditions. Fraternizing in a very natural, unforced way with the audience. They did not see a monster, nor the person who has radicalized in the last three years, but one of the leaders of the new Republican Party, a party that is increasingly populist, renouncing millionaires but winning them over by promising to lower their taxes. Criticizing the "corrupt insiders of Washington" as if they were not part of the game. But having figures like the vice presidential candidate as someone who can easily connect with the voters that the campaign needs. Without shouting or insulting, unless ordered by those in charge.
That's why there was very little foreign policy, less than expected on a day specifically dedicated to the subject. Vance barely touched on the world, except for China. He mentioned it half a dozen times, but only in commercial references, regarding exports and the jobs lost by Americans due to free trade agreements. Quite ironic, because what he recounted last night is literally what in the book that brought him fame, 'Hillbilly Elegy', defined as "cognitive dissonance" and "self-deceptions we tell ourselves," precisely in reference to blaming Obama for mine closures or blaming job losses on trade agreements with China.
Apart from that, not much else. A fierce criticism of the Iraq War, surprising to the same audience that cheered 20 years earlier for George H. Bush. And a very clear message to European sailors: "Together we will make sure our allies share in the burden of securing world peace. No more free rides for nations that betray the generosity of the American taxpayer" he said. Not a mention of Ukraine or Europe in almost three-quarters of an hour. He entered with the tune of the song 'America first,' and only spoke about America.
Vance was in Iraq, as an embedded journalist with the Marines, and came out with a much more critical, cynical view, reluctant to military expansion. He believes that Iran and Hamas must be defeated, that Israel must be helped. But also that aid to Ukraine should be cut. "Frankly, I don't care what happens," he said not long ago about the future of Kiev. He was disappointed by the Army and the country that sent him to the front, and that worldview has been shaping up. The first reactions in Europe, and especially in Ukraine, have been of enormous pessimism, anticipating a team in the White House, if they win, that is tremendously hostile.
Vance's life has changed rapidly and forever. The author of a successful memoir about life in a town in the country's declining industrial belt, a work that catapulted him to fame in 2016, entered politics not long ago, and his experience is limited to just over 18 months in the Senate. But he already knows what the leap entails, having every word, speech, and platform scrutinized, from his university days to today. Vance, who before converting to Catholicism and notably shifting to the right, harshly criticized Trump, knew that his statements ("America's Hitler," "only an idiot would vote for him," etc.) would haunt him. But perhaps he was not prepared for the 'friendly fire.'
Vance has been criticized by Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, who will have to debate with him in a few weeks. They say he is a "Trump clone" and that he was chosen because of his weak character. "Donald Trump picked J.D. Vance as his running mate because Vance will do what Mike Pence wouldn't on January 6: bend over backwards to enable Trump and his extreme MAGA agenda, even if it means breaking the law and no matter the harm to the American people," said Biden's campaign president, Jen O'Malley Dillon, in a statement.
But the harshest blows have come from his own party and the MAGA movement. The most hardcore anti-abortionists are disappointed, and they were demonstrating outside the Milwaukee venue distributing leaflets denouncing what they consider an abandonment or betrayal of the Republican Party. Throughout his brief career, the Ohio senator has been a staunch opponent of abortion rights, defining himself as "100% pro-life." He has made it one of the driving forces in his agenda and has set no limits. He supports a federal ban on abortion, has opposed exceptions for rape and incest, and believes that life should be protected "from the moment of conception." But now, the campaign has asked, demanded, that he ease up.
Explicit references have disappeared from his website, because Trump and his team do not even want to mention the issue, as they aim to attract votes from the center, among the undecided. And abortion is such a divisive issue that they believe those who are now disappointed will still vote for them, but they need to attract voters from the other side. "You have to believe in reasonable exceptions because that's where the American people are. And you've got to let individual states make this decision," he said on Monday on Fox, to the immense disappointment of the pro-life movement.
The second attack, which has far surpassed the first, comes from the most extreme side of the MAGA movement, from figures like Nick Fuentes or Jaden McNeil, white supremacists and nationalists, some of whom Trump has welcomed at Mar-a-Lago. "Do we really expect that the guy who has an Indian wife and named their kid Vivek is going to support white identity?" lament in videos and social media messages. Usha Vance, the vice-presidential candidate's wife, was born in the USA, but her parents are from India. The conservative commentator Stewe Peters wrote on his X profile something much more specific: "There is an evident Indian takeover in the United States before our eyes," while sharing a screenshot of an article about the Vance's three children.
A day marked by security
Before Vance, congressmen, former military personnel, and experts from his first national security team spoke. His former advisor Kelly Anna Conway was there. Also present was Newt Gingrich, the former speaker who made life difficult for Bill Clinton during the Lewinsky case, receiving much applause. Matt Gaetz, the ultra-right young promise from Florida, was even more applauded. Or the more moderate governor of North Dakota, the favorite of Wall Street and Rupert Murdoch, who was in the final three for vice president.
The slogan for the third day of the Convention was "Make America Strong Again," a variation of the classic Maga that calls for making "America great again." Monday was about a wealthier and more prosperous country. The second day focused on a safer America, centering on immigration and crime. And today, the day of international relations, one of the topics on which Republicans are traditionally more divided. They all agree on rejecting and restricting immigration, lowering taxes, and having a conservative view of society. But in foreign policy, the country has always had different schools of thought, from isolationism to interventionism, always with a large and powerful military.
Trump's first National Security Advisor was John Bolton, one of the 'warriors of the Cold War' and from the era of neoconservatives, a hawk on Iran, for example. Now, the party seems to be shifting towards more isolationist positions again. Vance's positions, the only one with military experience in these elections, because neither Trump, Biden, nor Kamala Harris have worn the uniform, are more than relevant in this regard.
The return of the convicted Navarro
The third day of the Summit was marked, however, by an unexpected appearance, that of Pete Navarro, former trade advisor to Trump, who was sentenced to several months in prison this spring after refusing (like media guru Steve Bannon, currently also behind bars) to testify before Congress in an investigation into the Capitol assault.
He was undoubtedly one of the stars. "If we don't control the government, the government will control us" he told an enthusiastic audience. "If we don't control the three branches, they'll put people like me and Bannon in prison. First, the legislative branch came for me, your favorite Nancy Pelosi," he said amid boos towards the Democratic congresswoman. He then mentioned Merrick Garland, the Attorney General, and the "Department of Injustice," the "corrupt body" that Trump had criticized on his social media that same morning.
Navarro, who invited his partner on stage and kissed her, became the campaign's symbol. Previously, having a criminal record was a red line, and campaign teams wouldn't let anyone like that get anywhere near the president, as it could ruin their aspirations. Now, it's the opposite, from prison to the stage as a hero. After all, the boss is the first president in history convicted by a jury in a criminal case. There is no set penalty, but there is a stigma. Yet not a single delegate, congressman, senator, voter, or supporter in Milwaukee cares in the slightest.